DMK EYES DALIT VOTES WITH FREEBIES
The Front Is Playing Up Its Welfare Schemes In Reserved Seats
Ramayi, a dalit daily wage earner of Thandarai village in Cheyyur assembly constituency in Kancheepuram, is excited that her ramshackle hut will soon become a brickand-cement house. The government has promised Rs 75,000 worth of construction materials to her, and she has a certificate to prove it. Ramayi is thankful for the Re 1 rice scheme, too, and soon hopes to own land. “We dalits have never owned any land in our lives; it’s always been the vanniyars who have had the right. That will all change,” she says.
Through its welfare schemes, the DMK front has made a determined pitch for dalit votes, and hopes to win a significant majority of the 44 constituencies reserved for SCs in the state. The party is contesting 24 of the reserved constituencies, and sharing the rest with VCK (8), Congress (10) and PMK (2). Karunanidhi himself is contesting from Tiruvarur, which was a reserved constituency until recently and has a Dalit population of over 30%.
Needhirajan, convener of Tamil Nadu Untouchability Eradication Front, however, says that many of the promises are just propaganda and the benefits haven’t really reached Dalits. “Little or no land has been given to dalits by the DMK government, as promised under the panchami land scheme,” says Needhirajan.
In the 2010-2011 budget, the DMK government allocated Rs 3,800 crores (19%) of total state expenditure for SC/ST schemes - equivalent to the share of the SC population in the state. But critics say this is just an accounting ruse, as the figure includes money spent in general schemes.
But Tamil Nadu Dalits were not always known for voting on issues. They, as fans of a heroic MGR in movies, were once considered a reliable votebank of AIADMK.
Old loyalties still survive to some extent. Yazhan Aathi, a school teacher in Ambur, recalls that worshipping heroes - especially from movies - is still common among Dalits, and has helped Vijayakanth get dalit support. But Aathi says that dalits haven’t been given responsibilities in the DMDK organisation. “Dalits are no more satisfied with just token representation,” he says.
Seeking economic and social progress, Dalits had started looking beyond traditional parties in the late 1990s. At that time, many Tamil Nadu villages turned into battle grounds of caste conflict as young and educated dalits started confronting upper castes. Pallars, concentrated in the southern districts, such as Namakkal, Rajayapalayam, Madurai and Sivaganga, tangled with the Thevars, while Paraiyars
had conflicts with Vanniars in the northern districts, such as Vellore, Cuddalore, Kancheepuram and Chennai. L eve r a g i n g the conflicts, Kri s h n a sw a my emerged as a leader of the pallars, and Thirumavalavan became a leader of the paraiyars. Pallars are mostly small farmers or landless labourers, while Paraiyars are mostly daily wage earners. Arundhatiyars, the third dalit caste in the state that accounts for 3% of the state population, are the most marginalized even among the Dalits. Living in western Tamil Nadu, such as in Coimbatore and Dharmapuri, Arundhatiyars are oppressed by Kongu Vellalars, says TSS Mani, an observer of Dalit politics. “They are upset that the DMK front includes Kongu Vellalar Party,” says Mani.
The two main dalit forces that have emerged in the state are now in alliance with parties representing their principal adversaries. The dalit VCK is now in the same boat as the vanniar PMK in the DMK front, and Krishnaswamy’s Pudhiya Thamizhagam has been bargaining for seats with the AIADMK — once seen as representing thevars. Activists defend these alliances and say they would help dalits make progress without conflicts. “The PMK-VCK alliance will promote social harmony,” says Vanni Arasu, a VCK leader.
Through its welfare schemes, the DMK front has made a determined pitch for dalit votes, and hopes to win a significant majority of the 44 constituencies reserved for SCs in the state. The party is contesting 24 of the reserved constituencies, and sharing the rest with VCK (8), Congress (10) and PMK (2). Karunanidhi himself is contesting from Tiruvarur, which was a reserved constituency until recently and has a Dalit population of over 30%.
Needhirajan, convener of Tamil Nadu Untouchability Eradication Front, however, says that many of the promises are just propaganda and the benefits haven’t really reached Dalits. “Little or no land has been given to dalits by the DMK government, as promised under the panchami land scheme,” says Needhirajan.
In the 2010-2011 budget, the DMK government allocated Rs 3,800 crores (19%) of total state expenditure for SC/ST schemes - equivalent to the share of the SC population in the state. But critics say this is just an accounting ruse, as the figure includes money spent in general schemes.
But Tamil Nadu Dalits were not always known for voting on issues. They, as fans of a heroic MGR in movies, were once considered a reliable votebank of AIADMK.
Old loyalties still survive to some extent. Yazhan Aathi, a school teacher in Ambur, recalls that worshipping heroes - especially from movies - is still common among Dalits, and has helped Vijayakanth get dalit support. But Aathi says that dalits haven’t been given responsibilities in the DMDK organisation. “Dalits are no more satisfied with just token representation,” he says.
Seeking economic and social progress, Dalits had started looking beyond traditional parties in the late 1990s. At that time, many Tamil Nadu villages turned into battle grounds of caste conflict as young and educated dalits started confronting upper castes. Pallars, concentrated in the southern districts, such as Namakkal, Rajayapalayam, Madurai and Sivaganga, tangled with the Thevars, while Paraiyars
had conflicts with Vanniars in the northern districts, such as Vellore, Cuddalore, Kancheepuram and Chennai. L eve r a g i n g the conflicts, Kri s h n a sw a my emerged as a leader of the pallars, and Thirumavalavan became a leader of the paraiyars. Pallars are mostly small farmers or landless labourers, while Paraiyars are mostly daily wage earners. Arundhatiyars, the third dalit caste in the state that accounts for 3% of the state population, are the most marginalized even among the Dalits. Living in western Tamil Nadu, such as in Coimbatore and Dharmapuri, Arundhatiyars are oppressed by Kongu Vellalars, says TSS Mani, an observer of Dalit politics. “They are upset that the DMK front includes Kongu Vellalar Party,” says Mani.
The two main dalit forces that have emerged in the state are now in alliance with parties representing their principal adversaries. The dalit VCK is now in the same boat as the vanniar PMK in the DMK front, and Krishnaswamy’s Pudhiya Thamizhagam has been bargaining for seats with the AIADMK — once seen as representing thevars. Activists defend these alliances and say they would help dalits make progress without conflicts. “The PMK-VCK alliance will promote social harmony,” says Vanni Arasu, a VCK leader.
Source: The Times of India dated 01.04.2011
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